Katie Glueck

“Some call it the ‘my way or the highway’ approach to politics,” Biden, the former vice president, wrote in a Medium post. “But it’s worse than that. It’s condescending to the millions of Democrats who have a different view. It’s representative of an elitism that working and middle-class people do not share: ‘We know best; you know nothing.’ ‘If you were only as smart as I am you would agree with me.’ This is no way to get anything done.”

Biden repeated similar arguments in a fundraising email and at a fundraiser in Pittsburgh on Tuesday, escalating tensions between the two top-polling contenders for the Democratic presidential nomination. He did not mention his rival by name, but the message was unmistakably aimed at Warren, whose Republican critics have for years sought to paint her as an out-of-touch liberal who worked as a Harvard professor.

Warren’s campaign has emphasized that she grew up in Oklahoma “on the ragged edge of the middle class.” Her campaign declined to comment on Biden’s remarks.

Biden and Warren have clashed repeatedly over health care, especially as Warren has overtaken Biden in some early-state polls. Warren supports “Medicare for All,” an expansive government-run health insurance system that would all but eliminate private health insurance, while Biden wants to add a “public option” to build on the Affordable Care Act but still allow people to choose private insurance.

Last week, after Biden’s campaign criticized Warren’s proposal to pay for Medicare for All, she suggested that Biden was “running in the wrong presidential primary” and “repeating Republican talking points.”

“These kinds of attacks are a serious problem,” Biden wrote. “They reflect an angry unyielding viewpoint that has crept into our politics. If someone doesn’t agree with you — it’s not just that you disagree — that person must be a coward or corrupt or a small thinker.”

Some of Warren’s other opponents, including Sen. Amy Klobuchar of Minnesota and Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana, have also been critical of Warren’s health care proposal, and of her approach to promoting it.

And in several venues Tuesday, Biden repeatedly seized on the fact that Warren was once a registered Republican, though she is now a leading progressive contender for the Democratic nomination and Biden is perceived by many on the left as too moderate and overly focused on striking deals with Republicans.

“I have fought for the Democratic Party my whole career,” Biden wrote. “I know what we stand for, who we stand with and what we believe. And it’s not just policies or issues. It’s in my bones. That’s not something everyone in this primary can say.”

He was more explicit at the fundraiser: “I’ve been a Democrat my whole life. This person has only fairly recently in the mid-’90s become a Democrat.”

Biden and his team often bristle at the suggestion that he is insufficiently progressive for this moment in the Democratic Party, and Biden on Tuesday sought to defend his liberal credentials on issues like health care and taxes.

But his use of personal criticisms to confront Warren, the only woman polling in the top tier of Democratic contenders, carries risk. Attacks on character, including on Biden’s, have often failed to land or have backfired in the primary process so far.

Biden cast his remarks as self-defense.

“Since some have questioned whether I’m running in the wrong primary — let me answer that question,” he continued. “I’m running in the Democratic primary as a proud Democrat.”

This article originally appeared in

Biden Attacks Warren as a 'Condescending' Elitist

Joe Biden unfurled sharply personal new lines of attack against Sen. Elizabeth Warren on Tuesday, questioning her contributions to the Democratic Party and seeking to cast her as an elitist who believes people lack courage or wisdom unless they agree with her.

“There’s many more things, but —” he said before trailing off.

Minutes later, Biden interrupted himself again.

“So there’s a, there’s — my time up?” he said, echoing a line he had used when he stumbled in the first presidential debate this year. “I guess not. I guess it is.”

And as he spoke to reporters here last week about President Donald Trump’s freezing of military aid to Ukraine, he briefly fumbled his words.

“People are being killed in western, in eastern Afghan — excuse me, in eastern, uh, Ukraine,” he said.

Six months into his presidential campaign, Biden is still delivering uneven performances on the debate stage and on the campaign trail in ways that can undermine his message. He takes circuitous routes to the ends of sentences, if he finishes them at all. He sometimes says the opposite of what he means (“I would eliminate the capital gains tax — I would raise the capital gains tax” he said in this month’s debate). He has mixed up countries, cities and dates, embarked on off-message asides and sometimes he simply cuts himself off.

That choppy speaking style puts Biden at a disadvantage as his front-runner status erodes and he confronts growing pressure to expand his appeal with voters and donors. He faces intensifying competition for moderate support, a formidable liberal foe in Elizabeth Warren, attacks on his family by Trump and Republicans, and a troubling cash crunch.

At a time when he most needs to convey confidence and forcefulness, some Democrats say, he is instead getting in his own way.

“He does not do well speaking where he isn’t giving a speech,” said Chris Henning, the Democratic chair in Greene County, Iowa, who caucused for Biden when he ran for president in 2008. “He’s not good in debates and he comes across like he’s stumbling around, trying to figure out what he’s going to say.”

Biden’s verbal miscues have long led to challenges. He was forced to withdraw from the 1988 presidential campaign after he presented biographical details from the life of the British Labour Party leader Neil Kinnock as his own. His gaffe-prone tendencies made national headlines during his 2008 presidential bid when he referred to Barack Obama as “the first mainstream African American who is articulate and bright and clean.”

But Biden can now appear less crisp, and more hesitant, than in the past — and also in comparison to more polished rivals in the crowded Democratic primary. As the early leader in 2020 polls he has spent more time in the spotlight, and he is competing in a fast-moving social media environment in which gaffes are magnified and candidates are rewarded for being quick on their feet.

Biden, 76, still leads many national polls, and he enjoys significant goodwill from many Democratic voters. Some attendees at his events in Iowa last week said Biden, who overcame a childhood stutter, is a relatable raconteur whose decades of experience are comforting amid the chaos of the Trump era. He can be forceful in denouncing the president from the podium, and is at his best in individual conversations with voters.

And of course, if Biden wins the nomination, he will face a president who is an undisciplined speaker in his own right — one who misstated the name of his own Cabinet secretary recently, tortures grammar and spelling in his tweets and, most significantly, routinely makes false claims about matters large and small.

But Biden’s inconsistent performances illustrate why many Democrats remain skeptical of his candidacy: Whatever his strengths in polls — and the data is mixed, especially in the early-voting primary states — on the ground his performances are often plainly shaky.

Nowhere are the stakes higher for Biden than in Iowa, the leadoff caucus state where Biden will return for a four-day swing Wednesday. Warren has tied or moved ahead of Biden in some polls, and party officials on the ground say Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana, appears capable of siphoning some of Biden’s centrist support. Sen. Amy Klobuchar, a moderate from neighboring Minnesota, also gained attention after the October debate. Last week, she qualified for the fifth debate, scheduled for next month.

While Biden’s campaign has publicly sought to downplay expectations in Iowa, it has also invested heavily in time and resources. In a confidential memo circulated last week, the campaign manager, Greg Schultz, said Biden was positioned to have a “narrow advantage” in the state.

“I plan on winning Iowa. I’m working like hell to win Iowa,” Biden told reporters here, adding, “It could end up being a must-win; it could not make a difference.”

In Iowa and nationally, worries about Biden’s speaking style are often intertwined with concerns about his age — though allies and former staffers say he has long been prone to misspeaking.

Biden has said it is fair to raise his age, and in one of his stronger moments at the last debate, said that “with it comes wisdom.” In a statement over the summer, his doctor said that he was in “excellent physical condition.”

But several public appearances have intensified questions about his ability to connect in this political moment. At the September debate, Biden responded to a question about the legacy of slavery with a rambling answer that included advising the use of a record player to expose underprivileged children to more words. At a CNN forum focused on LGBTQ issues this month, Biden — who was ahead of Obama in voicing support for same-sex marriage — still raised eyebrows for referring to “gay bath houses,” while making a broader point about evolving attitudes.

“It doesn’t necessarily bother me,” said Steve Drahozal, the Democratic chairman in Dubuque County, Iowa, of Biden’s “halting speaking style,” allowing that Biden might simply be thoughtful. “But there are a lot of voters out there who want to be inspired by a candidate. Democrats win when we have an inspiring candidate.”

Concerns about Biden’s style are not confined to members of the political class: Voters often raise the issue, including at his own events.

“I like Joe, but I don’t think Joe’s going to get it because he has not been doing very well with his speaking, with the debates,” said Lisa Kane, 62, of Keokuk, Iowa, as she waited for Biden to speak. “Pete would do a better job. He’s younger, a great speaker, he’s smart, got the military background.”

Debbie Hunter, who stood with Kane, based her assessment on Biden’s debate performances, which many Democrats continue to see as lackluster at best.

“He’s real hard to follow,” Hunter, 57, said. “I have a lot of concern about his ability to concentrate, his attention span, the ability to get the job done.”

But Patty Madden, 69, and Bev Alderson, 60, two former teachers, said Biden’s informal, story-laden speaking style was part of his charm.

“I love it,” Alderson said. “It appeals to the common people, working class, Americans, everybody!”

“I know he falls over some of his words, we all do,” Madden said.

“Oh, big deal!” Alderson interjected. “He speaks from his heart.”

At his two events in Iowa on Oct. 23, Biden spoke, relatively carefully, from teleprompters. There were some apparent tangents, but he also ended with a forceful conclusion about America’s strengths and received a standing ovation.

Biden has also proven capable of speaking crisply and movingly, and he was a fierce competitor at the vice presidential debate in 2012.

This year, too, he has had some electric moments, such as when he eviscerated Trump for fanning “the flames of white supremacy.” And he can be sharper in exchanges with reporters than he is on a debate stage.

“His day after debate press conference have been outstanding,” Jim Messina, Obama’s 2012 campaign manager, wrote in an email. “He shines in that format, as he did in 2012. It also shows he still had a fastball. The mass format debates just aren’t his strong suit. And that’s probably OK.”

Some advisers and allies have said privately that they have little control over Biden’s speaking style, but they also insist his debate performances have improved, and note that a string of controversies and wobbly public appearances have hardly crushed his campaign.

“Not one expert has been right about Joe Biden,” said former Sen. Barbara Boxer, a California Democrat and friend of Biden’s. “It goes on and on. ‘He can’t make it, it’s just the name ID.’ Then he’s going to fall out because he’s too affectionate. Now he’s going to fall down because he’s too gaffe prone? Now it’s the money? I just don’t buy it.”

In response to multiple questions for this article, a Biden campaign spokesman, Jamal Brown, pointed to steady poll numbers in head-to-head matchups with Trump, and to surveys that show him growing his support among Democratic voters.

Hunter, of Keokuk, said seeing Biden in person allayed some of her concerns and that she had moved him in her rankings.

“If he wants to win these debates, he needs to speak up, get fired up,” she said. Asked if he had done so at West Point, she replied, “Well, a little. At the end.”

His Unforced Verbal Fumbles Burden Biden on the Stump

WEST POINT, Iowa — Joe Biden was making an impassioned case for protecting immigrants who lack legal status one recent Sunday when he abruptly stopped himself.

“There’s many more things, but —” he said before trailing off at a union forum.

But Biden can now appear less crisp, and more hesitant, than in the past — and also in comparison to more polished rivals in the crowded Democratic primary. As the early leader in 2020 polls he has spent more time in the national spotlight, and he is competing in a fast-moving social media environment in which gaffes are magnified and candidates are rewarded for being quick on their feet.

While Biden’s campaign has publicly sought to downplay expectations in Iowa, it has also invested heavily in both time and resources. In a confidential memo circulated last week, the campaign manager, Greg Schultz, said that Biden was positioned to have a “narrow advantage” in the state.

In Iowa and nationally, worries about Biden’s speaking style are often intertwined with concerns about his age — though his allies and former staffers say he has long been prone to misspeaking.

But several public appearances have intensified questions about his ability to connect in this political moment. At the September debate, Biden responded to a question about the legacy of slavery with a rambling answer that included advising the use of a record player to expose underprivileged children to more words. At a CNN forum focused on LGBTQ issues this month, Biden — who was ahead of Obama in voicing support for same-sex marriage — still raised eyebrows for referencing “gay bath houses,” while making a broader point about evolving attitudes.

At his two events in Iowa on Oct. 23, Biden spoke, relatively carefully, from teleprompters. There were some apparent tangents — one promise to wrap up his address drifted into a digression on illness in China — but he also ended with a forceful conclusion about America’s strengths and received a standing ovation.

“His day after debate press conference have been outstanding,” Jim Messina, Obama’s 2012 campaign manager, wrote in an email. “He shines in that format, as he did in 2012. It also shows he still had a fastball. The mass format debates just aren’t his strong suit. And that’s probably OK. The field is beginning to narrow. He still has time.”

Hunter, of Keokuk, said seeing Biden in person allayed some of her concerns and that she had moved him in her candidate rankings.

“If he wants to win these debates, he needs to speak up, get fired up,” she said. Asked if he had done so in the event at West Point, she replied, “Well, a little. At the end.”

The Many Ways That Biden Trips Over His Own Tongue

WEST POINT, Iowa — Joe Biden was making an impassioned case for protecting immigrants in the country illegally one recent Sunday when he abruptly stopped himself.

Yet as the fourth presidential debate arrives, the previous contests offer proof of how challenging it is to translate biting quips into staying power in the polls.

Gillibrand is no longer running for president, Castro is at 1% in recent surveys, and Harris, who enjoyed an initial bounce after the first debate when she laced into Biden’s record on busing — and had T-shirts ready to reinforce her point — now consistently falls behind several other contenders. (Biden, whose early front-runner status made him the target of attacks, has seen his polling advantage ebb amid campaign trail challenges, though he remains in the field’s top tier.)

The goal of breaking out in a way that alters the dynamics of the race is all the more urgent for most of the candidates in Tuesday’s debate, as they fight for oxygen in a campaign now overshadowed by the impeachment inquiry Trump faces in Washington.

“You can see they’re grasping for this one line their staff told them would make them stand out in the crowd,” said former Rep. Dennis E. Eckart, an Ohio Democrat practiced in political debate prep.

Catchy debate lines alone rarely determine the outcome of a race. But there is a skill to landing the perfect zinger, the kind of quick remark that can reinvigorate a campaign, boost fund-raising, allay concerns about a candidate or even sink an opponent.

Ahead of the CNN/New York Times debate, here is a guide to the art of the zinger, from veterans of the practice.

Focus on the moment, not just on memorizing a line

When debate moderator Bret Baier of Fox News urged civility and substance at a Republican primary debate in 2011, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich wrote down his words, on an “instinct they couldn’t get through the whole debate” without asking provocative questions, he recalled in a recent interview.

And when another debate moderator, Chris Wallace, asked Gingrich that night whether his campaign was “a mess,” Gingrich was ready with a reference to Wallace’s colleague.

“I took seriously Bret’s injunction to put aside the talking points,” he admonished. “And I wish you would put aside the gotcha questions.”

The conservative crowd loved the lashing of the news media, and Gingrich’s record of debate-stage zingers helped him survive in the race for longer than some political observers initially had expected.

“You have to think about two audiences,” Gingrich said. “Those who are in the room, and those who are at home. And you’ve somehow got to meet both.”

The ability to capitalize on real-time developments also helped former Gov. Chris Christie paint Sen. Marco Rubio as a scripted creature of Washington during a 2016 primary debate. When Rubio responded by repeating several times a statement he’d made earlier, nearly verbatim, Christie noticed — and called him out sharply.

“One-liners are much better when they come spontaneously than when they’re prepackaged,” he said in an interview over the summer. “Most of those pre-canned lines don’t really go over all that well. I think it’s got to be spontaneous. I think it’s got to be something that comes about in the context of what people are hearing.”

Christie’s campaign was already struggling by that debate, but his lacerating attack helped ensure that Rubio’s campaign never recovered, either.

But punchy quips carry risk

Castro tried a similar approach onstage last month when he suggested that Biden was forgetting remarks he had just made, comments widely perceived as a swipe at the 76-year-old Biden’s age. Castro also argued that Biden was contradicting himself, though it didn’t appear that he had done so.

“If you were watching, you were saying, ‘Oh, Castro’s paying attention, it didn’t look like he struggled to bring it in,’” said Eckart, who helped prepare Sen. Lloyd Bentsen, Michael Dukakis’ running mate, for a memorable vice-presidential debate in 1988.

But just as some Republicans have never forgiven Christie for his savaging of Rubio, some Democrats thought Castro had crossed a line — and an important backer pulled an endorsement, a reminder of the risks of slinging zingers at this stage of the primary, when many Democrats are leery of internecine warfare. (Others defended Castro, arguing that candidates should be able to withstand tough criticism ahead of a possible general election against Trump.)

“If you go headhunting, you better be very careful who you’re hitting,” said Tad Devine, a veteran Democratic strategist who advised Bernie Sanders in 2016 but is currently unaligned.

Noting that many Democrats feel warmly about candidates like Biden, he said, “If somebody hits you, you can hit them back hard — everybody’s going to give you latitude. If you’re going to be that tough, if you’re going to launch, that’s a high hurdle to get over with voters.”

One of the most effective debate retorts in modern history was a light line that got President Ronald Reagan’s opponent, Walter Mondale, laughing.

“I am not going to exploit, for political purposes, my opponent’s youth and inexperience,” Reagan said in a 1984 debate, helping ease concerns about his age.

‘Scriptwriters are lousy debate preppers’

Don’t sound overly rehearsed. Do look for opportunities to make a memorable point.

It’s a difficult balance to strike, debate experts acknowledge — and identifying those moments without sounding canned onstage takes practice.

“Most great debate moments are pre-thought-out,” said Karen Dunn, a lawyer and one of the Democratic Party’s most seasoned debate prep experts.

To help prepare Bentsen to face off against Dan Quayle in the vice-presidential debate, Eckart watched extensive video of Quayle. To Eckart, Quayle appeared to be channeling the mannerisms of former President John F. Kennedy, a late colleague of Bentsen’s.

Eckart said he did the same as he played Quayle in debate preparations, convinced the Republican would invoke Kennedy onstage.

“Bentsen just fiercely looked back at me, and he did not want to respond,” he recalled, describing how he goaded the candidate throughout several rounds of debate practice.

But Eckart was right: Quayle did compare himself to Kennedy onstage, and Bentsen, having responded viscerally to the comparison during debate practice, was prepared with an answer.

“Senator, I served with Jack Kennedy,” Bentsen said. “I knew Jack Kennedy. Jack Kennedy was a friend of mine. Senator, you are no Jack Kennedy.”

Eckart, who is unaligned in the presidential contest, sometimes still assists with political debate prep — and he continues to show candidates video of their opponents to get them talking.

“Eventually they say something that you just look at and say, ‘Oh my God, that’s perfect,’” he said. “Scriptwriters are lousy debate preppers. You have to let your emotion and your deep-seated personal beliefs out.”

Debate specialists stress that genuine conviction is the most important aspect of landing a strong debate line. But candidates and their teams get no shortage of suggestions from outside allies, too, Dunn said.

“Many people will send in their zingers,” Dunn said. “Sometimes, if it can’t be used in a debate, it might be usable for speeches. If it can’t be used in a speech, at least it will make the debate team laugh.”

How to Prepare a Debate Zinger That Doesn't Sound Prepared

Sen. Kamala Harris compared President Donald Trump to the Wizard of Oz: Behind the curtain, she said on the presidential debate stage, “it’s a really small dude.” Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand came prepared to litigate an op-ed Joe Biden had written in the 1980s. And former housing secretary Julián Castro issued a cutting apparent attack on Biden’s age.

Three days later, a heavily African American crowd gave Biden a warm welcome as he delivered a passionate address at the 16th Street Baptist Church, a symbol of the civil rights struggle, where he denounced institutional racism to mark the 56th anniversary of the bombing that killed four young black girls here in 1963.

The divergent responses underscore the uncertainty surrounding whether Biden can translate his long-standing connection to black voters into votes next year. His deep ties to black leaders, his service as Barack Obama’s vice president and his popularity among older, more conservative African Americans have given him a commanding lead in the polls among a constituency that is crucial to any Democratic candidate seeking the nomination.

But that support has never been rigorously tested at the ballot box outside of his home state of Delaware, and missteps like his meandering debate answer on slavery, as well as his legislative record on issues like busing and criminal justice, have intensified questions among progressive activists, and some party leaders, about whether he is the best standard-bearer for African American priorities.

“Too much time left to say he’s got it locked down,” Leah Daughtry, a veteran Democratic strategist who ran the 2008 and 2016 Democratic National Conventions and is African American, said of Biden’s standing among black voters. “He’s got an advantage, but I don’t think it’s locked.”

Biden owes much of his front-runner status to his backing from black voters. Polls show he consistently tops 40% among African Americans nationally, and surveys from South Carolina, the first Southern state to vote and one with a high percentage of black voters, have shown Biden scoring even higher.

At the church Sunday, there was little evidence that this advantage was sliding. In nearly a dozen interviews, many attendees who are focused primarily on defeating President Donald Trump said that they had not yet firmly committed to a candidate — though Biden was at the top of most people’s lists, with many citing his partnership with Obama and describing genuine affection for Biden. No one said that his past remarks on race had changed their views.

Arthur McGhee, a 72-year-old retiree who was ushering in attendees, characterized his support for Biden as “mild,” but called him his first choice for now.

He also said he was not bothered by Biden’s warm remarks over the summer about working relationships with segregationist senators, comments for which Biden later expressed regret.

“The same ones that are complaining about Biden, they can’t get anything done,” he said of Biden’s critics who currently serve in Congress.

Many of the black voters and officials in attendance described him as an experienced leader who is well-known, and trusted.

“In the black community, we appreciate the fact that then-former Vice President Joe Biden never overshadowed nor dishonored the role of the president, who happened to be African American,” said Lashunda Scales, the president pro tempore of the Commission of Jefferson County, where Birmingham is located.

Yet the view of Biden in the church was only a snapshot of a large and diverse group. There are also many people of color who have been concerned by Biden’s record and remarks, whether on working with segregationist senators or his support for anti-crime legislation in the 1990s that is often now associated with mass incarceration.

At Thursday’s debate, when asked about what responsibilities Americans had to account for the legacy of slavery, Biden offered a rambling answer that included suggesting that social workers can aid parents who “don’t quite know what to do,” an apparent reference to a plank of his education plan. He also advised the use of a “record player” to expose underprivileged children to more words.

The moderator, Linsey Davis, started the question by saying that she wanted to discuss “inequality in schools and race,” and Biden’s allies suggested that explained his pivot to education. But others who watched the exchange were troubled by the fact that he did not substantively address the slavery question.

“A lot of us are just shaking our heads, saying it seems to be a disqualifying sentiment,” said Aimee Allison, founder of She the People, a political advocacy group focused on women of color. “At this point in the primary, he does not have an easy and powerful political response to a question like that — it’s got a lot of us just saying, ‘OK, well, there are other candidates who are seriously contending for our votes.’ ”

Both Daughtry and Allison noted that a recent survey of black women showed “other/prefer not to answer” leading the field, followed by Biden. They took it as a sign of how fluid the race is.

“If I were the vice president’s team, I’d double down on locking in the vote that they think they have, because right now I’d call it soft,” Daughtry said.

At the debate, Davis referred to a remark Biden had made in 1975, when he said, “I’ll be damned if I feel responsible to pay for what happened 300 years ago.” On Sunday, at the church, he struck a sharply different note.

“There can be no realization of the American dream without grappling with the original sin of slavery,” he said.

Eric Holder, the former attorney general under Obama, told David Axelrod, Obama’s former chief strategist, that he doesn’t think there is any basis “for people to believe that a President Biden would be less committed to civil rights enforcement” than Obama was, according to a tweet from Axelrod, who hosts a podcast and a television show on CNN.

Throughout his 20-minute address, Biden was at times booming as he linked slavery, the bombing at the 16th Street church and the rise of white supremacy today to the nation’s centuries-long struggle with racism and oppression. At other times he spoke slowly and emotionally, as he discussed his personal experiences with tragedy. Biden, who is practiced at delivering eulogies, read prepared text from a black binder, producing a far more fluent speech than he typically delivers on the stump, when he often walks away from Teleprompters.

He spent much of the morning accompanied by Sen. Doug Jones, an Alabama Democrat who as a prosecutor landed the convictions of two men behind the church bombing.

“Those of us who are white try, but we can never fully, fully understand, no matter how hard we try,” Biden said.

That line stayed with Jeffery Lanier Jr., 35, who waved off Biden’s debate performances and remarks about working with segregationist senators.

“It’s not something he should just use on the campaign trail,” he said. “I can get past it. I see what he’s saying.”

He and his wife, Krystale, 34, both said that they are supporting Biden, pointing to his experience and his work with Obama.

If Biden is shielded, in part, by the Obama connection, other candidates are still working to introduce themselves to the African American community. That is a particular imperative for Sen. Elizabeth Warren, who has climbed steadily in the polls, but whose numbers with black voters, depending on the survey, barely hit double digits — and sometimes fall below.

She has made strong gains in the first two early-voting states of Iowa and New Hampshire, which are both home to many white liberals. Her challenge is to expand her appeal with voters of color who dominate the later-voting Southern states.

“In the black community, we know Biden because he was Obama’s vice president, we know Sanders because he ran the last time, but we’re not familiar with her,” Daughtry said. “That’s been her biggest challenge.”

Warren, like many of the other contenders, has been racing to catch up, making a concerted effort to address voters of color through her policy plans, including measures like combating the racial wealth gap. She also attended a dinner with the Congressional Black Caucus Saturday night.

Stanley Greenberg, a veteran Democratic pollster, stressed that Biden’s standing with the African American community may be more durable than many expect, saying that he “embodies the Obama legacy.”

But he also noted that for much of the lead-up to the 2008 election, Hillary Clinton appeared to be the strongest candidate with African American voters. That changed dramatically after Obama won Iowa, proving that a black man could win in largely white states.

“That carried over to her until it didn’t,” Greenberg said.

Like many Democrats, McGhee, the usher, said he was focused on which Democratic candidate can defeat Trump.

“It applies to all of them,” he said. “But it does apply to him, too.”

Biden Has Deep Connection to Black Voters. Will It Translate Into Votes?

BIRMINGHAM — At the Democratic primary debate last week, Joe Biden prompted some distress within the party with a rambling, discordant answer to a question about the legacy of slavery, a moment that highlighted his unsteady instincts, and mixed record, on matters of race.

But no one was embraced at the New Hampshire Democratic Party’s state convention Saturday quite like Elizabeth Warren.

The Massachusetts senator took the stage to a standing ovation that lasted around two minutes, and the thunderous applause that frequently interrupted her speech was amplified by the inflatable noisemakers that had been distributed to the crowd. “Win with Warren!” attendees yelled.

“There is a lot at stake, and people are scared,” she said. “But we can’t choose a candidate we don’t believe in because we’re scared.”

It’s a version of a line that Warren has deployed before, though it took on new significance days before she faces off against Biden — who is running explicitly on a message of electability — for the first time on the presidential debate stage.

She and Biden were two of 19 candidates who assembled here for a daylong party gathering that attracted some of the state’s most committed activists, including more than 1,200 delegates. The event was an imperfect test of the New Hampshire primary electorate — indeed, there were plenty of attendees who came from out of state — but it did offer an early window into campaign organization and enthusiasm, in a contest that is traditionally a must-win for candidates from neighboring states.

This cycle, that includes Sanders of Vermont, who won New Hampshire by a wide margin in 2016, and Warren, whose ground game is often regarded as the most extensive here.

As he has nationally, Biden has led in most New Hampshire polls since entering the race — though the surveys have been relatively few, and his campaign last week sought to downplay expectations, citing the “home-field advantage” typically enjoyed by candidates from New England. Biden, who has landed endorsements from several of the most influential Democratic leaders in the state, is focused on blue-collar voters, moderates and others who believe his more centrist brand offers the most promising path to defeating President Donald Trump, in contrast to the more progressive coalitions Warren and Sanders are working to build.

While many voters feel warmly toward Biden, some have also referenced calculations about his standing against Trump, rather than displaying outright enthusiasm for his vision for the country.

In ways overt and subtle, both of those more liberal candidates and their supporters sought to challenge the idea that Biden is the only candidate who can win a general election.

“I am not afraid,” Warren said as she called for a “grassroots movement” to create structural change. “And for Democrats to win, you can’t be afraid either.”

Meanwhile, inside the arena, a large banner read, “Bernie beats Trump.” Outside, another banner affixed to a pro-Sanders tent read, “In poll after poll after poll ... Bernie BEATS Trump.”

Sanders received frequent applause throughout his speech, and his supporters — who appeared dispersed throughout the arena — greeted many of his remarks with loud whoops.

“Together, we will make Donald Trump a one-term president,” he said. “But frankly, frankly, it is not enough just to defeat Trump. We must do much, much more. We must finally create a government and an economy that works for all of us, not just the 1%.”

Biden, the former vice president, was the first of the presidential contenders to speak, and he received a polite though not raucous reception as attendees trickled into the arena.

Taking aim at Trump, he said: “We cannot, and I will not, let this man be reelected.” The audience cheered, driven in part by a contingent from the International Association of Fire Fighters.

“There’s that sense of, we know who Joe is, and we trust him,” said Sylvia Larsen, the former New Hampshire Senate president. “There’s still a little bit of people still looking around to say, ‘Well, OK, so what else is out there?’”

Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana, was another prominent presence at the convention: He had a large cheering contingent that punctuated his address with rounds of applause. Flush with a field-leading fundraising haul, his campaign has significantly expanded its presence in New Hampshire and has announced the opening of 12 new offices in the state.

Sen. Kamala Harris of California had a visible and vocal support section, too, boosted by her fans in bright yellow T-shirts.

Yet Harris’ standing in the polls has slipped over the summer, and party leaders here say she does not have the same footprint in the state as some of the other contenders. Perhaps reflecting those dynamics — and a lunchtime-hour speaking slot — her reception was uneven.

“Everybody else and the pundits can ride polls; I’m not on that roller coaster,” she told reporters after her speech. “I am working hard, we are steady, I don’t get high with the polls, I don’t go low with the polls.”

Booker, too, found himself brushing off the polls, speaking to reporters after giving a well-received speech. His candidacy has mystified some veteran New Hampshire Democrats who note his relatively stagnant poll numbers despite an extensive on-the-ground campaign organization, and mounting endorsements.

Given the huge cast of candidates — and how seriously New Hampshire residents take their status as the first primary voters — many voters are in no mood to commit this early. It is another reminder that the polls could change dramatically before the primary next February.

“I think of it like getting an ice cream sundae and trying to decide what toppings you want to put on your ice cream, because they’re very good choices, but I just can’t make up my mind,” said Jeanne Brown from Goffstown, who attended a Warren event in Bow, over the summer. “You know, I don’t know if I want the gummy bears or the sprinkles.”

That same indecision was on display Saturday.

“I have been waving signs for all the candidates, as have most people on the floor,” said state Rep. Kris Schultz, a progressive leader who said that her top choices were Warren, Sanders and Booker — adding that the New Jersey senator is “amazing.” “Lots of people remain undecided.”

And for all of the enthusiasm for Warren, some attendees continued to have reservations about her ability to defeat Trump.

“Sen. Warren is probably the best campaigner out there, but in order to get elected against Trump I think she’s going to have to moderate some of her priorities,” said New Hampshire state Rep. David Karrick Jr.

Prior to the event, activists and other voters rattled off lists of their top three choices, but repeatedly stressed that their rankings could shift. For at least one voter, they changed in a matter of moments.

“Pete, Warren and then Biden,” said Tim Ashe of Somersworth, referencing Buttigieg. “That may change.”

When asked why Buttigieg was his first choice, he replied, “I was looking at a Pete sign when I said it.”

“If I had to vote today,” he added, “it would probably be for Warren.”

His wife, Laurie Ashe, said she had supported former Gov. John Kasich, R-Ohio, in the primary in 2016 and then voted for Hillary Clinton in the general election. Now, she said, she is supporting Warren, because “regular people cannot work their way into the middle class anymore.”

New Hampshire Convention Draws Hopefuls, and Enthusiasm

MANCHESTER, N.H. — Joe Biden’s backers roared supportive slogans and banged on drums as they awaited his arrival outside Southern New Hampshire University Arena. Sen. Bernie Sanders was welcomed by die-hard fans ready to cheer seemingly every sentence he uttered. Mayor Pete Buttigieg and Sen. Cory Booker delivered one applause line after the next.

The New Hampshire Democratic Party State Convention drew 19 of the presidential candidates and some of the state’s most committed party activists — including more than 1,200 delegates — to its gathering here Saturday, offering an early test of campaign organization and enthusiasm in a contest that is traditionally a must-win for candidates from neighboring states.

This cycle, that includes Sanders of Vermont, who won New Hampshire by a wide margin in 2016, and Warren of Massachusetts, whose ground game is often regarded as the most extensive in a contest that party officials describe as still fluid — though Warren received the most enthusiastic reception of the day, with an opening standing ovation that stretched on for nearly 2 minutes.

Her supporters wielded inflatable noise makers and she received thunderous applause throughout her address.

It’s a version of a line that Warren has deployed before, though it took on new significance when she deployed it Saturday, days before she faces off against Biden for the first time on the debate stage.

While many voters feel warmly toward Biden, some have also cited the perception that he is the most electable candidate in the race, rather than displaying outright enthusiasm for his campaign.

“There’s that sense of, we know who Joe is and we trust him,” said Sylvia Larsen, the former state Senate president. “There’s still a little bit of people still looking around to say, ‘Well, OK, so what else is out there? Where are the voices? Who else might be a voice?’”

Biden, the former vice president, was the first of the presidential contenders to speak, and he received a polite though hardly raucous reception as attendees trickled into the arena, which was not yet full Saturday morning.

Taking aim at President Donald Trump, he said: “We cannot and I will not let this man be reelected.” The audience cheered, driven in part by a contingent of representatives from the International Association of Fire Fighters.

Biden has led in most polls here since entering the race — though the surveys have been relatively few. He is focused on blue-collar voters, moderates and other Democrats who believe his more centrist brand offers the most promising path to defeating Trump, in contrast to the more liberal coalitions Warren and Sanders are working to build.

On the ground, Sanders’ supporters challenged the notion that Biden is the only candidate well-positioned to defeat Trump.

“Bernie beats Trump,” read one banner hanging in the arena. Outside, another banner affixed to a pro-Sanders tent read, “In poll after poll after poll...Bernie BEATS Trump.”

In a sign of organizational strength, Mayor Pete Buttigieg of South Bend, Indiana, was also a prominent presence at the convention: He had a large cheering contingent that punctuated his address with rounds of applause. Flush with a field-leading fundraising haul, his campaign has significantly expanded its presence in New Hampshire and has announced the opening of 12 new offices in the state.

Sen. Kamala Harris of California had a visible support section, too — her fans wore bright yellow T-shirts — and she also received applause and cheers.

Yet Harris’ standing in the polls has slipped over the summer, and party leaders here say she does not have the same footprint in the state as some of the other contenders. Perhaps reflecting those dynamics — and a lunchtime-hour speaking slot — her ability to excite the room was at times uneven.

Sen. Cory Booker, too, found himself brushing off the polls when speaking to reporters after giving an energetic speech that resonated in the room. His candidacy has mystified some veteran New Hampshire Democrats who note his relatively stagnant poll numbers despite an extensive on-the-ground campaign organization, endorsements and an ability to deliver a fiery speech.

Certainly, the convention is an imperfect test of the state of the New Hampshire primary. It is a window into the mood of the most plugged-in activists, but is not necessarily representative of the entire electorate that will turn out on primary day — and it also drew attendees from out of state, from places including Massachusetts, New Jersey and even, in at least one case, California.

New Hampshire voters are also discerning, relishing their responsibilities as voters in the nation’s first primary contest, following the Iowa caucuses. Given the huge cast of candidates, many voters were in no mood to commit this early.

“I think of it like getting an ice cream sundae and trying to decide what toppings you want to put on your ice cream, because they’re very good choices, but I just can’t make up my mind,” said Jeanne Brown from Goffstown, who attended a Warren event in Bow over the summer. “You know, I don’t know if I want the gummy bears or the sprinkles.”

That same indecision was on display inside and outside the arena. “I have been waving signs for all the candidates, as have most people on the floor,” said state Rep. Kris Schultz, a prominent progressive leader here who said Saturday afternoon that her top choices include Warren, Sanders and Booker. “Lots of people remain undecided.”

Prior to the event, activists and other voters rattled off lists of top three choices, but repeatedly stressed that their rankings could change. For at least one voter, they changed in a matter of moments.

He went on to say that “if I had to vote today, it would probably be for Warren,” pointing to his belief that she is “truly looking out for the little guy.”

His wife, Laurie Ashe, said she had supported John Kasich, the former Republican governor of Ohio, in the primary in 2016 and then voted for Hillary Clinton in the general election. Now, she said, she is supporting Warren because “regular people cannot work their way into the middle class anymore.”

Elizabeth Warren Stands Out at New Hampshire Democratic Party Convention

MANCHESTER, N.H. — Joe Biden’s backers roared supportive slogans and banged on drums as they camped outside Southern New Hampshire University Arena. Backers of Sen. Elizabeth Warren marched as part of a jazz-inflected brass band. A fan of Sen. Amy Klobuchar admonished passersby to consider electability, and banners associated with Sen. Bernie Sanders that highlighted his own standing in the polls appeared aimed at drawing a contrast with Biden.

Katie Glueck

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